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How did Partition create Modern Indian Street Food?

10 hours ago
5 min read

When borders divide a life, how much is swallowed by the silence, and how much survives on the tongue?

That question floated in the minds of millions in 1947, when a simple line on paper tore Punjab and Bengal apart. The number of people who died is estimated to be between one and two million. Trains arrived in Delhi and Amritsar bringing families with a bundle of clothes and not much else. Soon the sidewalks of those same cities were filled with food that nobody had planned, and it stayed forever. Modern street food did not begin in a chef’s notebook. It began in a stomach. Javed Akhtar once wrote about birds, rivers and drifting breezes, things no border can truly stop. That idea fits food more than anything else. Maps can be redrawn in weeks, but taste? That stays. A recipe lives in memory, and memory walks across every checkpoint with no permit needed.


Displacement on an unprecedented scale: the 1947 refugee tent cities where modern street food was born out of hunger.  (Source- Research Gate)
Displacement on an unprecedented scale: the 1947 refugee tent cities where modern street food was born out of hunger.  (Source- Research Gate)

Old Delhi had eaten very differently. Mughlai food there came from two and a half centuries of nobles, Kayasth scribes and Baniya and Khatri bankers living together, and it was slow food. As highlighted in  The Culture Gully's look at street food heritage, many of India's defining street flavors trace their roots back to these Mughal kitchens before adapting to the open streets. A cook known to one Daryaganj family only as Booby would dig a hole by the Yamuna, put charcoal in it and bury a big pot of meat and turnips overnight. By morning the shabdegh stew was so soft it fell apart when touched by a spoon. This kind of cooking needed time, people and stable homes. Partition took all of those away. 

Hunger changed the rules of the kitchen. A survivor now living in Panipat remembers her mother comforting her sister with a piece of ice because there was no milk left. Camp food arrived late and in small portions, so cooks learned to make the most of whatever they got. Punjabi families, given bread, fried it in ghee with sugar and milk and made a halwa that stayed in their homes forever. Sindhi families, given packets of macaroni they had never cooked, put it into a pressure cooker with potatoes and familiar spices. Culinary anthropologist Kurush Dalal sees these dishes as a way of holding on to a past that had been taken from them by force. They also follow the rule of street food: cook with what is in front of the stove. Scarcity changed more than what people ate; it changed what they considered normal. Partition did not only carry recipes into new cities. It also altered everyday food choices in ways that survived long after the immediate hunger had passed.

Cooking for strangers came next, because refugees needed income more than comfort. Displaced Punjabis from both sides of the border opened dhabas along the Grand Trunk Road. Menus stayed short: roti, paratha, dal and a vegetable. Refrigeration was expensive, so nothing was stored, and whatever got cooked had to be sold by night. Truckers made these stalls their lifeline, and Sher-e-Punjab grew into a name along the highway. As families scattered across the country, the dhaba travelled with them. Fresh, cheap and quick were the rules those desperate owners set, and they still govern nearly every roadside cart in India.

The tandoor changed the capital’s taste most of all. Before 1947 it was mostly a village oven for bread. Punjabi women gathered around a shared one to bake and swap news. Refugees carried it into Delhi. Kundan Lal Gujral, who had left Peshawar, set one up in a Daryaganj building whose roof had been lost in the riots, and sold roast chicken with naan. Old Delhi families, Hindu and Muslim, rarely ate chicken, so the start was slow. Unsold birds were too costly to throw away, so they went into a sauce of butter, curd and tomato. Another Peshawar cook, Kundan Lal Jaggi, is said to have left lentils in the tandoor’s fading heat overnight and woken to dal makhani. Their families have since argued in the Delhi High Court over who invented butter chicken, which shows what a refugee’s improvisation became worth.


 The tandoor: a single pit of charcoal that completely changed how the capital ate. (Source- The Federal)
 The tandoor: a single pit of charcoal that completely changed how the capital ate. (Source- The Federal)

 The sauce had its quiet science. Tomatoes came to India with traders in the early seventeenth century, but they didn’t become common in restaurant kitchens until the 1950s and 1960s. Punjabi cooks took to them right away. Tomatoes are naturally full of glutamates, the compounds that give food that savoury, deep taste we now call umami. Soon tomato, onion and garlic gravies started replacing the yoghurt-based Mughlai dishes. Even though the new gravies were different, many restaurants still called themselves Mughlai. Camillia Panjabi, who helped design menus for Taj restaurants in the 1980s and 1990s, noticed something: whenever regional food appeared on the menu, people kept ordering Punjabi dishes. Restaurant owners, worried about empty seats, stopped trying to offer different kinds of food.

Street corners followed. Kasturi Lal Wadhwa, a migrant from Rawalpindi, is credited with putting dark, tangy Pindi chana on Delhi’s roadsides. Chole bhature, a pairing many assume is ancient, is widely believed to have been sold in Karol Bagh in the late 1940s as a cheap, filling meal for labourers and refugees. Sindhis, famous snackers, stretched Bombay’s idea of chaat, according to Panjabi, and put dal pakwan on breakfast tables. The confectioner Chandulal Bahl carried Karachi halwa to Bombay, where it earned a new name. None of it was fine dining. All of it suited a person eating on foot.

Every gain carried a loss. Cutlets, chops and scones slipped off Connaught Place menus as Punjabi owners took over. A kebab seller outside Jama Masjid, the maker of delicate gola kebab, quit around twenty years ago and told scholar Salma Husain that the old connoisseurs were gone. In Calcutta, East Bengali refugees were mocked for foraged greens and dried fish, yet they opened small eateries anyway and bent the city’s palate towards them.

Modern street food sits on an uncomfortable truth. The dishes now loved across the subcontinent were not planned by any committee. They came from fear, hunger, leftovers and stubborn memory. Every butter-slicked gravy and every hot bowl of chole started as an answer to a question no one wanted to face: what can be made from almost nothing? Today a crowd standing at a roadside stall in Delhi, Mumbai or Kolkata is eating history without knowing it, unaware of the question that stays in every bite: how much was left behind, and how much can be saved before the last cook who remembers is gone?



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